Hamas, in a long-established and self-defeating practice, has unconscionably misused schools in the Gaza Strip as command centers, weapons depots and hiding places. This has forced Israel to bomb scores of schools, resulting in the tragic deaths of Palestinian civilians who have sheltered there during the still ongoing Israel-Hamas war.
In one of its most recent strikes, Israel bombed a Hamas command post embedded inside the Musa Ibn Nusayr school in Gaza City’s Daraj neighborhood. The object of Israel’s attack was a Hamas commander, who was killed. Unfortunately, at least eight civilians sheltering there lost their lives as well.
The schools in which displaced Palestinians have sought shelter in the last 14 months are administered by UNRWA, the United Nations refugee agency. Hamas is well aware that its decision to commandeer schools is an arch act of cynicism and an unmistakable sign of its indifference to its own people. Yet it persists in exposing innocent Palestinians to harm, knowing full well that buildings utilized for such purposes are legitimate targets under international law.
That said, the optics are bad for Israel, which already has been falsely accused of genocide in waging its just and necessary offensive in Gaza. Israel’s air strikes have severely tarnished its image, even though Hamas is clearly at fault for grossly misusing schools for its own ends.
Secret Hamas documents seized by Israel and made available to The New York Times confirm Israel’s oft-repeated assertion that Hamas regards Palestinian civilians as little more than human shields and stands ready to sacrifice them on the altar of expediency.
Yahya Sinwar, Hamas’ late political leader, admitted this prior to his violent death two months ago. His readiness to needlessly place civilians in the line of fire was a damning commentary on his brutal methods and lack of morality.
The Hamas records that fell into Israel’s hands prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the Qassam Brigades, Hamas’ military wing, regard schools and other civilian facilities as “the best obstacles to protect the resistance” in its battles with the Israeli armed forces.
These documents disclose that at least 24 teachers, principals, deputy principals and counsellors employed by UNRWA were active members of the Qassam Brigades.
UNRWA, which tends to the needs of Palestinian refugees in Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, should not hire personnel connected with Hamas. Yet the evidence shows that Hamas-affiliated educators remained on UNRWA’s payroll, even after the Israeli government presented hard evidence confirming this.
Indeed, 18 of its workers participated in Hamas’ invasion of southern Israel on October 7, 2023, a disclosure that prompted a number of countries to suspend contributions to UNRWA.
Philippe Lazzarini, UNRWA’s commissioner general, acknowledges the allegations, but claims he lacks the resources to independently investigate each one. As he said recently, “We have always been clear that we are not an intelligence or security type of organization.”
His explanation is unsatisfactory and leads to the strong suspicion that UNRWA is not conducting itself in a transparent and impartial manner.
UNRWA’s abysmal failure to carefully vet its employees has had consequences. This past October, Israel passed legislation aimed at shutting down UNRWA’s operations in Gaza and the West Bank.
UNRWA must be held accountable for its appalling shortcomings regarding its employment policy and its apparent habit of turning a blind eye to Hamas’ misuse of its school buildings.
Be that as it may, Gaza’s 2.2 million inhabitants cannot be left to fend for themselves. UNRWA has provided vital humanitarian and educational services to Palestinians over the decades and still has an important role to play. But it cannot perform its duties properly unless it fully admits its mistakes and rectifies them as soon as possible.
The ball is in UNRWA’s court.