If Israel was a normal country, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would have resigned almost immediately after the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023, the greatest single catastrophe in Israel’s seven-decade history.
It would have been unreasonable for him to have stepped down so soon after this unprecedented disaster, which resulted in the deaths of about 1,200 people and the abduction of 251 Israelis and foreigners in the western Negev. The country was in dire need of leadership and most Israelis perceived Netanyahu as an able and responsible leader who could guide the ship of state through troubled waters.
That being said, Netanyahu should have handed in his resignation very soon after October 7, leaving the governance of Israel to a trusted associate. Instead, much to his discredit, he exploited the mood of the day to conveniently distance himself from the atrocities and cynically transfer the blame to the army and the Shin Bet, the internal security agency.
Regrettably, he has continued to play this deceitful game, judging by comments he made recently on his social media account. Answering softball questions from his international affairs advisor, Caroline Glick, Netanyahu once again rejected accusations that he and his government bear responsibility for the failures that led to October 7.
Netanyahu categorically denied that the former chief of staff, General Herzi Halevi, and the ex-director of the Shin Bet, Ronen Bar, had warned him of Hamas’ impending offensive a month before it took place.
He also denied that he had ever read a military intelligence report, dated August 2021 and dubbed Jericho’s Walls, that Hamas terrorists were planning to invade southern Israel.
And he dismissed the idea that his controversial agenda to overhaul the judiciary and reduce the power of the Supreme Court had weakened Israel in the eyes of enemies such as Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran.
Netanyahu’s denials strain credulity, particularly in light of other damning disclosures.
In the months leading up to October 7, he received four official reports from Israeli intelligence sources warning him that the nation-wide protests critical of judicial reform had emboldened Israel’s foes
This past March, the Shin Bet released a report indicating that Netanyahu’s policy of trying to pacify the Gaza Strip by funnelling Qatari funds to Hamas had been misguided. It had enabled Hamas to build up its forces in anticipation of its devastating attack, the worst crime against Jews since the Holocaust.
The former director of the Shin Bet, Nadav Argaman, endorsed this finding, saying that Netanyahu’s attempt to deter Hamas by means of financial bribery would inevitably “backfire.” As he put it, “The prime minister knew it, the cabinet knew it. The issues were presented more than once and twice.”
While Netanyahu has refused to accept responsibility for October 7, a succession of generals have drawn the correct conclusion and handed in their resignations in the past year.
Netanyahu’s incalcitrance would not have been tolerated in a major Western democracy like Canada, Britain, France or Germany. But different norms apply in Israel, a nation whose very existence cannot be taken for granted. Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, has taken full advantage of this existential difference to entrench himself in power and fend off demands for his resignation.
Netanyahu, whose overarching objective is political survival, seems to be convinced that he is indispensable. He is not indispensable, though his contributions are well known and require no elaboration.
Netanyahu, who is currently on trial on criminal corruption charges lodged by the attorney-general in 2020, cannot disentangle himself from the events of October 7.
To paraphrase the American president Harry Truman, the buck stops in Netanyahu’s office.
He should listen to this sage advice.